However, Lacerda's incendiary reactions against the opposition of people like Brizola in Rio de Janeiro were not the result of the political challenge they represented. It was also the result of the troubled political times of the early 1960s, which also had repercussions in the favelas. The political organization of the favelas gained momentum when their representatives created in 1963 the Federation of Associations of the Favelas of Guanabara (Federação das Associações de Favelas da Guanabara; FAFEG) which played a very important role in the resistance to the policy of eradication of the favelas of Lacerda. local and national level in which the political conjuncture of Rio de Janeiro took place in this very particular juncture. In a context of rising inflation, social unrest, and political radicalization, Lacerda has emerged as a favorite political figure and a model of a desirable politician for the United States. The governor's credentials as a politician hostile to the heterodoxy of populism and the orthodoxy of the left embodied in the figures of Vargas or Kubitscheck, but still committed to certain aspects of social reform, placed him in a good position with the Kennedy administration. In the context of the Cold War, the United States saw Lacerda as a guarantor of order compared to what was seen as the radical politics of President Goulart – “childish and unpredictable”, Brizola or Aluisio Alves. Commenting with Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Thomas Mann, Ambassador Gordon described Guanabara's governor, “Carlos Lacerda (48)—Gov. of Guanabara. (…) An anti-communist. One of the most skilled in the country. Brilliant. He was a newspaper editor. Good administrator. He would be a good president, under attack for being pro-American." That...... middle of paper...... for Progress and the United States on them.The construction of Vila Kennedy, Vila Aliança, Vila Esperança, the first glebe of Cidade de Deus, as well as the The uprooting of some favelas in Rio during the Lacerda administration must be explained in this particular conjuncture of Rio de Janeiro which intersects three equally important levels of analysis: the local, the national and the transnational. An economically declining city, politically deprived of its traditional capital status, caught between the heated power struggles between governor and president, and also one of the subtle arenas of the Cold War, Rio de Janeiro has experienced a decisive urban renewal, the elimination of slums, and the construction of public housing. The presence of American dollars and technicians around the favelas and new buildings of Rio de Janeiro are part of this triple context.